The people of Iran have been here before. In 2009, over perceived electoral fraud; in 2019, over fuel prices; in 2022, over the abuses of the morality police.

The authorities have honed their playbook, through the thuggery of the revolutionary guard and the Basij militias, the killing of protesters, mass detentions, public executions and the shutting down of the internet.

That last point is hugely significant. It means that people don't know if anyone else is going out.

They can't connect. They won't know whether it's worth continuing to stick their heads above the parapet after the last two nights of protest, which had been signposted and communicated in advance.

The videos they'll see are those on state TV where they'll hear the threats to use the death penalty on protesters dubbed 'vandals' or 'terrorists' and see pro-government crowds, and tempered but still sinister crackdowns.

It is hard to keep momentum going across Iran's 31 provinces, especially a protest with no apparent leader (at least within Iran itself), if people are left in an information black hole.

Reza Pahlavi, son of the former shah, clearly has some support on the streets, but he is in the US, and his calls for strikes and further protest may have problems filtering through.

And of course, the shutdown allows the authorities to crack down as they choose, without the visibility that connectivity would confer on them.

That's what happened in 2019 when at least 1,500 protesters were killed. We are still a long way from those kinds of numbers, although given the scarcity of information, it is hard to tell.

The one barrier to the regime extending that blackout indefinitely is the economic toll it will take on an already gasping economy.

But there is a long way to go in terms of how much they could crack down, and they have shown no sign of relenting.

Revolutions would require elite buy-in - for elements of the security apparatus to decide that continuing to defer to the 86-year-old supreme leader no longer makes sense. That doesn't look like it's happening either.

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The wild card is Donald Trump. He has promised to hit Iran hard if the regime opens fire on protesters. And then there is Israel, too, which might take the opportunity for another strike.

Iran's Islamic theocracy is more vulnerable than it has ever been. But it was born of a revolution itself, and the Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei is not about to show weakness.

Warning: This story contains descriptions some readers may find distressing, including references to self-harm and suicide.

He was just 12, going on 13 and in Year 8, when a classmate pushed a phone into his face during breaktime.

On the screen was a recording of a live video of a man taking his own life with a gun. It happened in seconds, but the effects have lasted years.

"There are no words to express how much of an impact that video truly had on me," Frazer said, "my life would have been completely different if I hadn't seen it."

Frazer had already been struggling in the aftermath of the COVID pandemic.

But the shock of that moment, and the isolation he felt afterwards, sent him into a spiral.

"I felt lost, hopeless," he said. "I didn't want to speak up because my friends would have just been... 'man up'."

Over the last few years, his mental health deteriorated. He experienced severe depression and moments of crisis.

He even tried to take his own life.

His father, Damian, recalls one night when he had to physically intervene to stop his son harming himself.

'He wanted to hurt himself'

"He wanted to hurt himself with a knife, a big knife," he said, "I wasn't going to see my son hurt himself or worse."

He said he will be "haunted" for the rest of his life by seeing his son "break down in tears".

"He hadn't done it in a malicious, nasty way. This was pure desperation."

Frazer: 'I'd lash out'

It wasn't until last year, four years after he unwillingly saw the disturbing video, that Frazer was diagnosed with complex Post‑Traumatic Stress Disorder, directly linked to what he saw at school.

He describes "triggers" he still experiences, including the sound of a Nokia mobile phone ringtone from the video.

"It would set me off," he said. "It would make me anxious, melt down, I went into a state of uncontrollably not being able to maintain normal behaviour and I'd lash out on people because of it."

He also described being affected by "the sounds from the video of the blood running. It resonates with me a lot whenever I hear fountains, water… and those have been key points to show that this video is a big, big, big part of why I was suffering so much."

Not an isolated case

Frazer's experience is not an isolated case, according to clinicians.

Dr Emily Sehmer, a consultant child psychiatrist, said she sees similar stories far too often.

"It's very, very common, unfortunately," she said. "Frazer's case did not surprise me… there are a lot of children who have struggled in similar ways and have not come forward.

"Our services are not equipped to manage this level of mental health problems, and I don't see that number will reduce if children continue to be exposed to this kind of online content."

Last year, she notes, around 500 children a day in England were referred to mental health services for anxiety alone.

Frazer and his family are now supporting a campaign to ban smartphones in all schools - not just in classrooms, but on the journey to and from school as well.

"There's so much technology in schools today, you don't need phones in school," Frazer said. "It's unnecessary. …in the hands of people who can be naive and irresponsible."

"...a few seconds that could completely change someone's life."

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The current guidance allows headteachers to decide how smartphones are used, but campaigners argue the safest approach would be a complete ban on them in all schools.

The Department for Education said that 99.8% of primary schools and 90% of secondary schools already have mobile phone restrictions in place and said they "support headteachers to take the necessary steps to prevent disruption backed by our clear guidance".

It added: "Through the Online Safety Act, we have taken some of the boldest steps anywhere in the world to ensure children have age-appropriate experiences online, protecting them from harmful content.

"We are striking the right balance: protecting children while ensuring they can safely benefit from the digital world, without risking isolation or cutting off access to vital services, especially to the most vulnerable."

Officials point to new legal duties requiring social media companies to protect under‑18s from harmful material, including content linked to self‑harm and suicide, with Ofcom able to issue significant penalties for breaches.

:: Anyone feeling emotionally distressed or suicidal can call Samaritans for help on 116 123 or email jo@samaritans.org in the UK. In the US, call the Samaritans branch in your area or 1 (800) 273-TALK

Their patch includes part of the border area with Poland, a popular spot for people trying to cross illegally into Germany.

At the police headquarters, the chief inspector shows us a line of smugglers' vehicles, which were seized while trafficking illegal migrants.

One of them is a refrigerated van which has been stripped back to carry human cargo.

Inside, sodden sleeping bags and a few abandoned clothes are the only traces of the migrants who were moved like cattle for hundreds of miles.

Chief Inspector Weber says there were 18 people inside when they found the van.

There are no seats or seatbelts, just the hard, cold floor to sit on during the long journey.

A hole in the roof left them exposed to the elements, so the rain could pour in, making conditions even more grim.

This isn't a one-off.

Officers show us pictures of other illegal migrants they have stopped.

One shows nine East Africans found crammed in a car, again without seats or seatbelts.

In another, 16 exhausted Somalis rest on the grass.

Many of the migrants have been travelling for months.

Route to Germany

After leaving Africa, the Middle East or Asia, Chief Inspector Weber says lots of people now come via Russia, travelling through Belarus, into Latvia, Lithuania and on to Poland.

They keep driving until they cross into northeastern Germany and straight into the patch patrolled by the Pasewalk force.

As a result, the fight against illegal migration has become a daily game of cat and mouse.

Germany's border with Poland is more than 400km (249 miles) long, surrounded by huge stretches of isolated farmland, dense forest and small villages. The perfect place to hide.

Throughout the day, the chief inspector takes us to different areas which have become crossing hotspots.

We drive to a quiet checkpoint surrounded by fields, which we are told is one of the places people traffickers try their luck.

It's manned by two Polish guards when we arrive.

The chief inspector explains the smugglers send a spotter car out to the top of a small hill above the checkpoint.

From there, the countryside opens up, allowing them to see if there are any controls in place. If there aren't, the smugglers then drive in with the illegal migrants.

The smugglers take a photo of them in front of a sign proving they have brought them to Germany and then leave the migrants to walk the rest of their journey alone.

It's a complex and well-funded criminal racket.

'Insidious' smuggling business

But the German government has had enough. Border checks have been tightened up and asylum rules made stricter.

We watch as police search the cross-border train, looking for anyone trying to sneak in that way.

But as we drive around rural routes filled with hiding places, the challenge facing authorities is clear.

"Is it possible for you to stop all illegal migrants?" I ask the chief inspector.

"No," he replies. "No border is 100% closed - that doesn't exist. In my professional experience, people always manage to overcome even the biggest walls or fences, but you can make that more difficult."

It seems Germany has done just that: in 2025, illegal entries were down 25% compared with the year before, according to figures from the interior ministry.

"Who do you think's winning? The police and border control, or the smugglers?" I ask.

"There are no winners in this business. The biggest losers are the migrants. That's just the way it is. Smuggling is a very insidious business - it's all about money," Chief Inspector Weber replies.

Hardening views

Germany's attitude to asylum seekers has radically changed.

In 2015, people cheered as refugees arrived at German train stations under Chancellor Angela Merkel's open-door policy.

The move saw more than a million, mainly Afghan and Syrian asylum seekers, enter in a year.

In the past decade, views have hardened.

The far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) party has soared in the polls, fuelled by its anti-immigration policy.

In response, the ruling coalition has also got tough; by November 2025, deportations were already up 15% on 2024.

But some recent deportation flights have been controversial.

In the summer, a plane carried 81 criminals back to Afghanistan, while in December, Germany deported a convicted criminal to Syria for the first time since the start of a 14-year-long civil war.

Now the government is hoping to strike a deal to deport more Afghans as well as return Syrians.

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Despite criticism from human rights groups, it is standing by its policy.

"It is necessary we show the people that we are able to control who is coming to Germany and who [is] not," Germany's foreign minister Johann Wadephul told me at a recent news conference.

"So that is the deeper reason why we are controlling the borders now, and we are doing this in accordance with international law."

Traditionally the EU country which took the most asylum seekers, Germany has slashed first-time applications by more than half so far this year.

The government says it's proof its stricter policies are working.

But as Germany toughens up its asylum system, nearly a million people are living with rejections, and the largest number are from Afghanistan.

They say they're living in limbo.

'I'm not a criminal'

At a church in Berlin, I meet Sayed who has just found out his application has been rejected.

He says returning to Afghanistan is a death sentence.

Terrified, he asks us not to show his face as he tells me his story.

"They [the German authorities] rejected me and said it's safe to go back to Afghanistan," he explains.

"Everyone knows the consequences if a believer goes to Afghanistan. They won't survive there."

I ask him if there's any reason he can think of for the rejection?

"I have never done anything wrong in my whole life and I'm not a criminal," he replies.

For his pastor, Dr Gottfried Martens, it's a sadly familiar story.

His congregation includes 1,400 asylum seekers from Afghanistan and Iran.

He believes asylum applications have fallen not because of the government crackdown, but because of changes inside countries like Syria, where many refugees come from.

He says the tough new rules mean some of his congregation have already fled rather than risk being deported to Afghanistan.

"There has been a framing in the speeches of German politicians and for them, all Afghans are criminals," he says.

It's a claim ministers would refute.

Germany's problem may soon become UK's

I ask what those who have had their applications rejected will do now?

"Our people see no other way than to look for a country outside of the European Union, which is in fact the UK, because they know when they stay here then they will be dead pretty soon," he replies.

If the pastor is right, Germany's problem may soon become Britain's.

Those fleeing know since Brexit it's much harder for the UK to return people to Germany.

Whether Sayed joins a small boat crossing is undecided.

I ask if he understands the view of many Germans that they've taken some of the highest levels of asylum seekers in the world and enough is enough?

"Enough is enough? They are talking about human rights," he says. "As a human, it's my right to be free to live."

Looking at the statistics available for 2025, on paper Germany's crackdown seems to be working.

Initial figures show illegal migration is down, deportations are up and asylum applications have more than halved.

A new government in Syria and EU deals with other countries to curb the flow of migrants have undoubtedly also played a role.

But the question is, has Germany solved its migration problem or simply moved it on? Are those fleeing war and persecution now just paying smugglers to take them to other countries they hope are safe havens?

The Norwegian Nobel Institute said Friday that once a Peace Prize is announced, it cannot be revoked, transferred, or shared.

"The decision is final and stands for all time," it said.

The statement comes after Ms Machado said she would like to give or share the prize with Mr Trump, who oversaw a US operation to capture Venezuelan president Nicolas Maduro.

Maduro is facing drug trafficking charges in New York.

"I certainly would love to be able to personally tell him that we believe - the Venezuelan people, because this is a prize of the Venezuelan people - certainly want to, to give it to him and share it with him," Ms Machado said in an interview on Monday.

"What he has done is historic. It's a huge step towards a democratic transition."

Ms Machado dedicated the prize to Trump and to the people of Venezuela shortly after the award was announced.

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Mr Trump, who has openly sought the Nobel Peace Prize since returning to office, has long expressed interest in winning the honour himself.

However, following Maduro's capture, Mr Trump has so far backed a different figure to lead Venezuela - acting President Delcy Rodriguez, who previously served as Maduro's vice president.

While Mr Trump has described Ms Machado as a "very nice woman," he has said she currently lacks sufficient support within Venezuela to govern.

Mr Trump said Thursday that Ms Machado plans to visit next week and described the idea of a Peace Prize offering as a "great honour".

A representative for Ms Machado did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

The system shows 154 local highway authorities rated as red, amber or green based on road conditions and how effectively they are spending the government's road maintenance funding.

It has bad news for drivers in Cumberland in Cumbria, Bolton in Greater Manchester, Leicestershire, Suffolk, and Kensington and Chelsea in west London - with all areas classed as red under the system.

In a statement, the DfT said authorities listed in red will receive "dedicated support to bring them into line with best practices" through a £300,000 programme.

A majority of local highway authorities are also listed as amber, while green-classified areas include Essex, Wiltshire, Coventry, Leeds, and Darlington in County Durham.

The DfT added that the green areas show they are following "best practice" such as investing in long-term preventative measures rather than just patching up potholes, while also maintaining good road conditions.

The map comes after the government's commitment to provide a total of £7.3bn for local road maintenance funding for the four years up to and including 2029/30 - as part of last year's budget.

Total local road maintenance funding for England provided by the government in the current financial year was also nearly £1.6bn, representing a £500m rise compared with the previous year period.

However, a quarter of the extra money was withheld until the end of last year, after authorities had outlined their plans to spend it.

Transport Secretary Heidi Alexander told Sunday Morning with Trevor Phillips that she had inherited a "pretty ridiculous situation" when Labour came into office.

She said there "isn't data that has been collected on potholes and there isn't actually even a definition of a pothole".

However, asked why the government had not simply published a map telling drivers where to avoid, Ms Alexander said: "The way in which we worked out how to categorise different local authority areas was based upon a number of factors: the condition of the road, the amount of investment that is being put in, and the extent to which the local authority in question is using best practice, providing good value for money, for the taxpayer."

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Common problems caused by potholes include damaged shock absorbers, broken suspension springs and distorted wheels, according to the RAC.

The motoring group also estimates that a typical repair bill for a family car suffering pothole damage beyond a puncture is £590.

RAC head of policy Simon Williams said: "While there are examples of good road maintenance practice taking place, this isn't consistent across the country and means drivers have for too long been left with substandard roads.

"We hope this initiative, plus the promise of longer-term funding for councils to allow them to plan and carry out much-needed preventative maintenance, means we're finally on the way to having smoother, better roads."

But shadow transport secretary Richard Holden said "a map won't stop tyres blowing or suspensions snapping".

"Motorists, already being squeezed tight by Labour, deserve real action to back them," he added. "Only the Conservatives will deliver that."